SPRINGFIELD, Ill. – Illinois legislators faced two options on the state budget. They could make politically dangerous decisions to raise revenues and cut spending, or they could endure months of politically embarrassing gridlock.

So they found a third option: Slap something together, call it a budget and skip town.

They didn’t even bother to pretend the budget they approved Saturday is balanced. The only question is just how big the deficit really is – $400 million? One billion? Two billion?

It’s an indication that last year’s fiasco of gridlock and finger-pointing shattered the old rules for drafting a budget and state leaders haven’t settled on new ones.

Legislative leaders largely operated independently of one another, with the Senate passing a series of revenue measures that were doomed in the House. Gov. Rod Blagojevich delivered his annual budget address and then vanished, his spending proposals disappearing with him.

House Speaker Michael Madigan argued lawmakers don’t need to worry about producing a budget where expenses match revenue. In his view, the Legislature approves everything it wants and then the governor determines what the state can really afford.

“That’s a decision for the governor to make,” the Chicago Democrat said. “The Legislature is not involved in spending decisions.”

It was an extraordinary argument from a man who regularly complains that Blagojevich can’t be trusted and doesn’t respect the Legislature’s authority.

It makes more sense, however, if seen as a bit of payback.

Last year, Blagojevich used his veto powers to slash hundreds of millions of dollars in spending sponsored by his political enemies, as Madigan reminded reporters. So now Blagojevich is stuck with a $59 billion budget he can slash all he wants – and irritate the interest groups that want to protect their particular piece of the pie.

Among the budget’s problems:

– It assumes tax revenues will grow by $1 billion despite the weakening economy. That’s twice the growth that Blagojevich’s office estimated in his budget proposal.

– It doesn’t include $500 million the state will have to contribute to government pension systems.

– It ignores significant red ink in the current budget, which will carry over to next year.

The Democratic governor could choose to veto the whole thing and try to force lawmakers to pass the revenues needed for a balanced budget.

If not, a lot of Illinoisans could feel the effects.

Closing the deficit might mean slowing down payment of Medicaid bills, leaving doctors and hospitals waiting longer and longer to be paid for the care they provide the poor. Some of those doctors will probably stop seeing Medicaid patients. And some of those hospitals might close their doors entirely.

Closing the deficit could mean closing state parks earlier, cutting back on highway maintenance, stretching staff thinner at prisons. Blagojevich might have to cut the additional money for schools and social services that lawmakers voted to spend.

In their rush to leave, legislators also failed to approve a construction program that would provide new roads, bridges and schools, as well as jobs. Everyone said they wanted a capital program, but they still couldn’t agree on how to get it done.

The Senate, with votes from both Democrats and Republicans, approved a $34 billion construction plan funded by more riverboat casinos, privatizing the state lottery and other financial maneuvers. But in the House, Madigan presided over a procedural vote that killed the gambling expansion and blocked the construction plan.

Even some members of his caucus suggested Madigan is ignoring the state’s capital needs so he can deny Blagojevich a political victory that might help him survive a primary challenge in spring 2010.

“It’s beginning to feel like maybe we don’t want to pass a capital bill. Maybe we want to stall a capital bill,” said Rep. Julie Hamos, D-Evanston. “Maybe we want to stall it until the year 2011 – how does that year sound? – or maybe the summer of 2010, when this governor can’t get any ribbon-cuttings.”

Blagojevich very well may call legislators back into session and pressure them to approve a construction plan. Last year, that approach produced political paralysis, legal battles and a budget that’s dripping red ink.

Stand by for Round 2.